Dos décadas después del genocidio de Srebrenica (1995) perpetrado durante la guerra de los Balcanes (1991-2001), la Corte de Apelación de La Haya ha confirmado este martes la responsabilidad de los Países Bajos en la muerte de 350 varones musulmanes refugiados en el recinto militar de los cascos azules holandeses, encargados de la seguridad en dicha ciudad bosnia. Los jueces han rechazado, sin embargo, que pueda atribuirse al Estado holandés la suerte de todos los demás hombres —unos 8.500— masacrados en 1995 por las fuerzas del hoy exgeneral serbobosnio, Ratko Mladic.
\r\nEl fallo, contra el que ya no cabe una nueva apelación, ha ratificado una sentencia de 2014, pero marcando una línea divisoria entre las propias víctimas de Srebrenica. Los familiares de los 350 muertos recibirán solo un 30% de la indemnización a la que tendrían derecho de haber perecido sus allegados con el resto de los hombres, esparcidos fuera del complejo militar. Los jueces alegan que, “de no haber sido entregados el 13 de julio de 1995 a las tropas de Mladic, los 350 musulmanes bosnios habrían tenido un 30% de posibilidades de sobrevivir”. “Al dejarlos ir, perdieron ese margen, y el Estado holandés es responsable de ello”, ha señalado el juez, Gepke Dulek. La demanda la presentaron ese año las Madres de Srebrenica, portavoces de unas 6.000 personas. Según ellas, “la sentencia es absurda porque los cascos azulesestaban allí y debieron proteger a todos los varones musulmanes; para nosotras este caso no tiene fin: todos está muertos”, han asegurado a las puertas de la corte. Para Marco Gerritsen, su abogado, “se ha tomado una decisión salomónica”.
\r\nEl Tribunal de Apelación considera que el Estado actuó ilegalmente, y le \"condena al pago de una compensación parcial\" a las familias de las víctimas. Las fuerzas de paz holandesas facilitaron la separación de los hombres y niños musulmanes \"sabiendo que había un riesgo real de que los serbios de Bosnia los sometieran a un trato inhumano\", sigue el juez Dulek. Por el contrario, los oficiales holandeses destacados en Srebrenica sostienen que en 1995, sin apenas agua y comida, con unos 5.000 civiles refugiados dentro y fuera del recinto de la ONU, y cercados por las tropas serbobosnias, pensaron que se trataba de una evacuación. Que los llevarían a otro campo en mejores condiciones. Dulek ha criticado dicho argumento, señalado que “dejar salir a los 350 hombres sin más se corría el peligro de que los ejecutaran, y debió haberse paralizado su marcha”. “De todos modos”, sigue la sentencia, “todos perecieron a manos de los serbobosnios”, una precisión subrayada por el ministerio holandés de Defensa.
\r\nLos cascos azules holandeses fueron los últimos integrantes de la Fuerza de Protección de la ONU (Unprofor) desplegados en los enclaves bosnios de Srebrenica, Gorazde y Zepa. Declarados en 1993 “zonas seguras” por Naciones Unidas, miles de bosnios musulmanes fueron trasladados a ellas. Allí se desplegó un contingente autorizado solo para usar la fuerza en defensa propia, a pesar de las advertencias de que estaba en marcha una limpieza étnica.
\r\nEn 2013, las Madres de Srebrenica perdieron una demanda similar, contra Naciones Unidas, presentada ante el Tribunal de Derechos Humanos de Estrasburgo. La corte europea decidió que la ONU gozaba de inmunidad. Pero ese mismo año, el Tribunal Supremo holandés confirmó un fallo anterior de la Corte de Apelación de La Haya sobre un caso concreto: la muerte de Rizo Mustafic, el electricista del complejo de los cascos azules, y de Ibro y Mohamed Nuhanovic, padre y hermano de Hasan, el traductor, que sobrevivió. Si bien abarcaba solo “un caso particular separado del conjunto del genocidio”, suponía que el Estado holandés ya no podría invocar la inmunidad de Naciones Unidaspara justificar la inacción de sus 400 soldados. Este proceso judicial abrió la puerta a nuevas demandas, como la concluida este martes.
\r\nAdemás, unos 200 veteranos holandeses de Srebrenica van a demandar al Estado para conseguir una compensación, y una disculpa, por enviarles a \"una misión imposible\" de cuyo fracaso han sido responsabilizados por la comunidad internacional. Su abogado, Michael Ruperti, ha explicado que cada uno exige una indemnización simbólica de 22.000 euros —1.000 euros por cada año que ha pasado desde la matanza de Srebrenica— por el trauma psicológico.
\r\nLa investigación oficial del Instituto para Estudios de Guerra, Holocausto y Genocidio (NIOD) concluyó en 2002 que los uniformados neerlandeses no pudieron haber evitado la masacre porque no contaban con los medios necesarios para ello, si bien afirmó que silenciaron lo ocurrido. La publicación del informe del NIOD provocó la dimisión en bloque del Gobierno de Wim Kok. \"De ninguna manera asumimos la culpa de lo que pasó en Srebrenica, pero sí nuestra responsabilidad\", explicó entonces el primer ministro socialdemócrata.
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\r\nThis is due to the fact that this “where” usually refers to a specific territory which is under dispute. Naturally, when the term “territory” is used, one does not simply mean a specific part of the world with certain features. Rather, the term denotes something much more complex. For example, “territory” may signify how that territory was politically organized and how political and military battles were carried out for that particular territory.
\r\nIn other words, the focus on territories should also highlight historical developments which are related to the disputes of different social groups around different parts of the world. This focus is of interest because if history education were to neglect the diverse connotations of the term “territory”, students and citizens might gain the wrongful impression that present territories and their political units have not changed across time. Such changes are usually pointed out by historical maps. Unfortunately however, such maps have failed to attract much attention from researchers in history education, albeit certain textbooks have provided a few exceptions. For example, Sebastián Pla has considered in this blog journal how the United States invaded Mexico and conquered a substantial part of its territory by the middle of the nineteenth century, thereby influencing the history of the two countries since then.[1]
\r\nIt is well known that President Donald Trump is trying to accomplish one of the most controversial goals announced in his presidential campaign, namely the construction of a wall measuring five thousand kilometers in length which would cover the entire border with Mexico. This decision also includes the intention to make Mexico pay for the costs of constructing the wall. The motivation for such a goal is to defend the North American territory from illegal Mexican immigrants by preventing them from entering the United States.
\r\nThe announcement of this project was accompanied not only by decidedly negative and xenophobic depictions of Mexican citizens as dangerous and violent criminals, but also by the highly controversial decision to prevent refugees from several countries to arrive in the United States. Most of these actions have been rejected by a considerable section of the public such as the academic community, non-governmental organizations, and politicians from around the world. Nonetheless, the truth is that Donald Trump has been elected President of the United States by approximately fifty million people. Therefore, it could be concluded that the majority of people who voted for Trump regarded these ideas and decisions to be not only feasible, but even desirable.
\r\nPersonally, I believe that we are dealing in this case with a representational entity which contains both social and historical dimensions of an undeniably historical origin. By this term, we mean both its historical origin as such as well as its historical origin as imagined by a section of the public. This is to say that this wall is attempting to become a physical border (a wall itself) replacing the symbolic and imaginary one. In other words, national borders are not merely physical barriers between countries. Usually, there is an agreement in place among nations which recognizes the existence of an imaginary line separating two or more countries, without this line necessarily being physical. In most cases, the line has no real existence. For example, there is a city in North America where the border constitutes a section of a library which includes both an American part and a Canadian part.[2]
\r\nIn fact, there are no walls which separate nations from around the world, except for some specific and also highly controversial cases such as in Israel. Whilst border checkpoints, where passports and other documents are checked, represent a physical entity, most of the countries employing them do not attempt to carry out such checks alongside the entire border. Here lies, therefore, one of the possible areas of confusion amongst those who voted for Donald Trump with regards to their expectations. I believe that this is underlined by the inability to separate the physical and symbolic dimensions of the border.
\r\nIt is also important to note that previous initiatives of building walls along borders have been strongly criticized by American politicians as well as by democratic world leaders. The most famous case is probably that of the Berlin Wall, which was a symbol not only of the division of Germany but also the division of the world in two blocks—the communist sector and the capitalist sector. As the wall was built by the communists, this was regarded as a dictatorial act which implemented a literal conception of a political border. It is extremely paradoxical that President Trump is now championing a similar proposal.
\r\nWhat do Trump’s motives have in common with those of the former East German and Soviet authorities? Whilst it is difficult to answer such a question, it would be reasonable to apply a tentative approach. The Berlin Wall was built to prevent German citizens from escaping from the German Democratic Republic to the Federal Republic of Germany. Trump’s wall, however, professes to prevent Mexican and other Latin American citizens from entering the United States. Therefore, the two walls are of a wholly opposite nature even though they are identical in terms of their conceptions about borders. This is to say that both cases share common ground in at least two theoretical approaches. Firstly, both walls were originally intended to transform the national border into a physical and tangible entity rather than a symbolic one. Secondly, they both intended to prevent people from freely moving between the nations’ borders. This second approach closely resembles the idea of criminalizing immigrants who merely chose to live in a foreign country.
\r\nUltimately, it appears that both Trump’s administration and its supporters are displaying a notorious lack of historical literacy with regards to at least three facts.
\r\nFirstly, the present borders are the consequence of both political and military actions across history. Secondly, they do not possess an essential meaning. This is to say that they are neither everlasting nor immutable. On the contrary, they denote symbolic entities which mean that they have been established on the basis of conventions and negotiations amongst societies and governments. Thirdly, it is therefore futile to transform them into entities with physical constraints. In conclusion, a last point could be also provided from the perspective of civic education, this is to say that the porosity of borders alludes to human rights which should not be violated as they represent possibilities of a better life for other human beings.
\r\n_____________________
\r\nFurther Reading
\r\nWeb Resources
\r\n_____________________
\r\n[1] Sebastián Plá, “History Education in Times of Trump,” Public History Weekly 5 (2017) 15, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2017-9124 (last accessed 6 June 2017).
[2] Sarah Yahm, “The U.S.-Canada Border Runs Through This Tiny Library,” Atlas Obscura, July 7, 2016,http://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/the-us-canada-border-runs-through-this-tiny-library (last accessed 6 June 2017).
_____________________
\r\nImage Credits
Mains au ciel, Berlin wall © Jeanne Menjoulet (2016), via Flickr.
Recommended Citation
Carretero, Mario: Borders In the Head: Comparing Mexican Wall and Berlin Wall. In: Public History Weekly 5 (2017) 23, DOI: dx.doi.org/10.1515/phw-2017-9457.
Editorial Responsibility
Judith Breitfuß / Thomas Hellmuth
Copyright (c) 2017 by De Gruyter Oldenbourg and the author, all rights reserved. This work may be copied and redistributed for non-commercial, educational purposes, if permission is granted by the author and usage right holders. For permission please contact: elise.wintz (at) degruyter.com.
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Pero fue la canción el arma elegida entre 1986 y 1991, cuando los estonios intentaron liberarse de décadas de ocupación soviética. Durante esos años, cientos de miles de personas se reunieron en público para cantar canciones patrióticas prohibidas, iniciando el camino a la independencia. \"Los jóvenes, sin ningún partido político, y sin los políticos, nos juntamos... no sólo decenas de miles, sino a cientos de miles... a recordar y a cantar, y a darle a esta nación un nuevo espíritu\", comenta Mart Laar, uno de los líderes de la revolución cantada que aparecen en la película y que fue Primer Ministro postsoviético de Estonia. \"La Revolución Cantada\" narra la conmovedora historia de cómo el pueblo estonio recuperó su libertad pacíficamente, ayudando a derrocar el Imperio Soviético. 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Mi mensaje a Rusia y al mundo entero"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"39"},["name","Creator"],["description","An entity primarily responsible for making the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"31424"},["text","Mijail Gorbachov"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"40"},["name","Date"],["description","A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"31425"},["text","1990"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"48"},["name","Source"],["description","A related resource from which the described resource is derived"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"31426"},["text","Ediciones B"]]]],["element",{"elementId":"41"},["name","Description"],["description","An account of the resource"],["elementTextContainer",["elementText",{"elementTextId":"31427"},["text","La publicación de M. 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